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England's Revolutions, 1603–1701
10th Grade Social Studies · 84 lessons
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- 1The Union of the Crowns, 1603When Elizabeth I died childless in March 1603, the English crown passed to her cousin James VI, who had been king of Scotland since 1567. One man now ruled three kingdoms, England, Scotland and Ireland, each with its own laws, parliament and church. This 'union of the crowns' was personal, not political: the kingdoms stayed legally separate, and English MPs rejected James's hopes for a full union. Scotland's church was Presbyterian, England's was governed by bishops, and most people in Ireland remained Catholic under a Protestant ruling class. Ruling such different kingdoms at once created tensions that would later explode, because a policy that pleased one kingdom could provoke another. Historians increasingly call the conflicts of the 1640s the 'Wars of the Three Kingdoms' for exactly this reason. The story of the seventeenth century therefore begins with a new dynasty, the Stuarts, trying to govern a multiple monarchy.
- 2James I and the Theory of Divine RightJames I was an unusually learned king who wrote books on politics, theology and even witchcraft. In 'The Trew Law of Free Monarchies' (1598) he argued that kings receive their authority directly from God, so subjects may never lawfully resist them, even a bad king. This theory of divine right did not mean James thought he could do anything: he accepted that a good king should rule according to law and consult Parliament. The real question was who had the final word when king and law seemed to clash. Many English lawyers, led by Sir Edward Coke, insisted that the king was under the common law, while James stressed his prerogative, the powers that belonged to the crown alone. Divine-right ideas reassured supporters of order after the religious wars of the sixteenth century, but critics feared they could justify tyranny. These competing ideas set the stage for the century's constitutional struggles.
- 3Crown, Parliament and the Power of the PurseEarly Stuart kings faced a basic money problem: inflation had eroded the value of crown lands and fixed revenues, while the costs of government and war kept rising. The crown could not levy most taxes without Parliament's consent, which gave MPs real leverage. James tried new 'impositions', customs duties set by royal prerogative, which judges upheld in Bate's Case in 1606, but MPs argued they bypassed Parliament. In 1610 the 'Great Contract' proposed that Parliament grant the king a fixed annual income in exchange for giving up unpopular feudal rights, but it collapsed amid mutual distrust. Parliament claimed the right to debate any subject, while James insisted some matters, such as foreign policy, belonged to the king; in 1621 he tore the Commons' Protestation out of its journal. Money and privilege were therefore intertwined: whoever controlled taxation could shape policy, a lesson that would shape the entire century.
- 4Puritans, Bishops and the King James BibleEngland's Protestant Church, created under the Tudors, was a compromise: Protestant in doctrine but keeping bishops, set prayers and some traditional ceremonies. Puritans were zealous Protestants who wanted further reform, such as simpler worship and stricter observance of the Sabbath; some also questioned rule by bishops. At the Hampton Court Conference in 1604, James met Puritan and conforming clergy and refused major changes, famously linking bishops to monarchy with the phrase 'No bishop, no king'. He did, however, approve a new English translation of the Bible, published in 1611, which became one of the most influential books in the English language. Most Puritans stayed inside the national church, but a small minority separated from it, and some later emigrated, including the Pilgrims who sailed on the Mayflower in 1620. Religion and politics were tightly linked, because church government seemed to mirror royal government.
- 5The Gunpowder Plot, 1605Catholics in England had hoped James, son of the Catholic Mary, Queen of Scots, would ease the penalties they suffered, but those hopes faded quickly. A small group of Catholic conspirators led by Robert Catesby planned to blow up the House of Lords during the State Opening of Parliament on 5 November 1605, killing the king and much of the government. They placed barrels of gunpowder in a cellar beneath the Lords, but an anonymous letter warning Lord Monteagle to stay away reached the government. Guy Fawkes was arrested guarding the powder, and the other plotters were hunted down, tried and executed. The plot's failure hardened anti-Catholic feeling for generations, and Parliament ordered an annual day of thanksgiving. Most English Catholics had not been involved, yet the plot fed a lasting fear of Catholic conspiracy that shaped later crises, including the reaction against James II.
- 6Charles I, Buckingham and the Failed Wars of the 1620sCharles I became king in March 1625, a reserved and devout man with a firm belief in his God-given authority. He relied heavily on George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, a royal favourite who had risen under James and now dominated policy. In 1623 Charles and Buckingham had travelled secretly to Madrid to seek a Spanish princess as Charles's bride; the failed 'Spanish Match' turned them toward war with Spain. Charles instead married the French Catholic princess Henrietta Maria, which worried Protestants. Military expeditions to Cádiz in 1625 and to the Île de Ré near La Rochelle in 1627 ended in costly failure, and Parliament tried to impeach Buckingham in 1626. Charles dissolved Parliament to protect his minister, which convinced many MPs that the king would not accept criticism. When Buckingham was assassinated in 1628, crowds celebrated, revealing how far trust between crown and people had broken down.
- 7The Forced Loan and the Five Knights' CaseWith Parliament refusing to fund his wars while Buckingham stayed in power, Charles demanded a 'Forced Loan' in 1626–27, a payment collected without parliamentary approval. It raised a large sum, but it alarmed many property owners, who saw it as taxation in disguise. Around seventy-six gentlemen who refused to pay were imprisoned, and five knights sued for release through the writ of habeas corpus, which required the authorities to justify a detention in court. The king's lawyers simply returned that they were held 'by his Majesty's special commandment', and in 1627 the judges refused to release them. Critics feared the precedent: if the king could jail people without stating a charge, no one's property or liberty was secure. The Five Knights' Case therefore turned a dispute about money into a dispute about fundamental rights, and it led directly to the Petition of Right.
- 8The Petition of Right, 1628In 1628 Charles needed money again and summoned Parliament, where MPs led by Sir Edward Coke, Sir John Eliot and Sir Thomas Wentworth sought guarantees for the subject's liberties. They chose the form of a petition, a request asking the king to confirm existing rights, rather than a new law, partly to avoid seeming to limit his prerogative. The Petition of Right declared four principles: no taxation without the consent of Parliament, no imprisonment without cause shown, no forced billeting of soldiers in private homes, and no martial law in peacetime. Charles first gave an evasive answer, then, needing subsidies, accepted it in the traditional form in June 1628. Yet he soon interpreted it narrowly, continuing to collect customs duties called tonnage and poundage. The Petition mattered because it set out, in one document, the rights MPs believed every subject already possessed, and it became a model for later declarations.
- 9The Personal Rule, 1629–1640In March 1629 MPs held the Speaker in his chair to stop an adjournment while they passed resolutions against religious innovation and unauthorized taxes. Charles responded by dissolving Parliament and governing without one for eleven years, a period called the Personal Rule. He made peace with France and Spain to cut costs and raised money through old feudal rights and legal devices: fines for not taking up knighthood, fines for encroaching on ancient royal forests, sales of monopolies, and Ship Money. For much of the decade the policy worked; the country was at peace and royal finances improved. Whig historians later called it the 'Eleven Years' Tyranny', while revisionists such as Kevin Sharpe argued it was a period of fairly effective government that many accepted. The Personal Rule broke down not from English revolt but from a crisis in Scotland, a reminder of how the three kingdoms were connected.
- 10Ship Money and the Hampden CaseShip Money was an old levy that allowed the crown, in emergencies, to require coastal towns to provide ships or money for naval defence. From 1634 Charles collected it from the coast, and from 1635 he extended it to inland counties every year, turning an emergency measure into something close to a regular national tax without Parliament. At first payment was high, and the money did build ships, but resentment grew. In 1637 John Hampden, a wealthy Buckinghamshire landowner, refused to pay a small assessment, and the case was heard by the twelve judges. In 1638 they ruled for the king by seven to five, a narrow margin that encouraged opposition rather than ending it. By 1639–40 collection fell sharply. The Long Parliament declared Ship Money illegal in 1641, and Hampden became a hero of the parliamentary cause, showing how a legal test case could carry huge political meaning.
- 11Archbishop Laud and the Drive for UniformityWilliam Laud became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1633 and, with Charles's strong support, pushed the church toward greater ceremony and order, sometimes called 'the beauty of holiness'. He ordered communion tables moved to the east end of churches and railed off like altars, encouraged bowing and vestments, and enforced conformity through church courts. Laud was associated with Arminianism, a theology that challenged strict Calvinist ideas of predestination. To many Puritans these changes looked like a creeping return to Catholicism, especially with a Catholic queen at court. Critics were punished harshly: in 1637 the pamphleteers William Prynne, Henry Burton and John Bastwick were pilloried and mutilated by order of the Star Chamber, which turned them into popular martyrs. Supporters saw Laud as restoring dignity and discipline to worship. His policies unified a broad coalition of opponents and made religion a central cause of the coming conflict.
- 12The Prayer Book Riot and the Bishops' WarsIn 1637 Charles ordered a new prayer book for the Church of Scotland, prepared without consulting the Scottish Parliament or the church's General Assembly. When it was first read in St Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh, on 23 July 1637, a riot broke out; legend credits a woman named Jenny Geddes with throwing a stool at the minister. Opposition spread rapidly, and in February 1638 thousands of Scots signed the National Covenant, pledging to defend their reformed religion. Charles tried to crush the Covenanters by force, but the First Bishops' War of 1639 ended without a battle, and in 1640 a Scottish army defeated English troops at Newburn and occupied Newcastle. To pay for war and to buy off the Scots, Charles had to recall Parliament. A Scottish revolt over religion had therefore ended the Personal Rule, showing how events in one kingdom could transform the politics of another.
- 13The Long Parliament and the Reforms of 1641Charles's first attempt to get money, the Short Parliament of April 1640, lasted only three weeks because MPs insisted on airing grievances before granting taxes. After defeat by the Scots, he had to summon a new Parliament in November 1640; it would sit, in various forms, until 1660, earning the name the Long Parliament. Led in the Commons by John Pym, MPs moved quickly to dismantle the machinery of the Personal Rule. The Triennial Act required a parliament at least every three years, another act forbade dissolving this Parliament without its own consent, and the prerogative courts of Star Chamber and High Commission were abolished. Ship Money and other non-parliamentary levies were declared illegal. Remarkably, Charles accepted these laws, and in mid-1641 a broad majority agreed on them. The trouble was that reform did not create trust: many MPs believed the king would undo it at the first chance, and that suspicion pushed some toward more radical demands.
- 14The Fall of StraffordThomas Wentworth, created Earl of Strafford in 1640, had been Charles's most capable servant. As Lord Deputy of Ireland from the 1630s he pursued a policy he and Laud called 'Thorough', strengthening royal authority and finances, but he alienated almost every group in Ireland. Parliament's leaders feared he might bring an Irish army to England to crush them, and they impeached him for treason in November 1640. At his trial in 1641 Strafford defended himself skilfully, and it was hard to prove that serving the king could be treason against the king. Parliament therefore switched to a bill of attainder, a law declaring him guilty without a normal verdict. Under pressure from crowds outside Whitehall and fearing for his family, Charles signed it, and Strafford was executed on Tower Hill on 12 May 1641. The episode showed both Parliament's growing power and its readiness to bend legal procedure, and it haunted Charles for the rest of his life.
- 15The Irish Rising of 1641In October 1641 Catholic Irish gentry in Ulster rose in rebellion, aiming to protect their land and religion from English and Scottish Protestant settlers and from a Parliament in London that seemed hostile to Catholics. A plan to seize Dublin Castle was betrayed, but in Ulster the rising spread and turned into violent attacks on settlers. Modern historians estimate that several thousand Protestants were killed, with many more dying from cold and hunger after being driven from their homes; English pamphlets wildly inflated the toll to hundreds of thousands. The rebels claimed, using a forged commission, to act for the king, which fuelled English suspicion of Charles. The crisis made one question urgent: who should command the army needed to put down the rising, a king Parliament did not trust or Parliament itself? In 1642 Irish Catholics formed the Confederation of Kilkenny, which governed much of Ireland for years. The rising drove England toward civil war and left lasting bitterness in Irish memory.
- 16The Grand Remonstrance and the Five MembersIn November 1641 Pym and his allies put forward the Grand Remonstrance, a long list of grievances against Charles's rule that demanded Parliament approve the king's ministers and that an assembly of divines reform the church. It passed the Commons by just 159 votes to 148, showing that a royalist party had formed among MPs who thought reform had gone far enough. Parliament then had it printed, appealing beyond Westminster to the public, which many saw as dangerous. On 4 January 1642 Charles entered the Commons with armed men to arrest five leading MPs for treason, but they had been warned and escaped. When Charles asked Speaker William Lenthall where they were, Lenthall replied that he could only see and speak as the House directed. The failed arrest shattered trust completely; within a week Charles left London, and both sides began preparing for war.
- 17Raising the Standard: How People Chose Sides in 1642During 1642 king and Parliament competed for control of weapons, ports and militia. In March Parliament passed the Militia Ordinance without royal assent, claiming power to command local forces, while the king issued old-style Commissions of Array. In April Sir John Hotham shut the gates of Hull, with its great arsenal, against Charles. Parliament's Nineteen Propositions in June demanded control of ministers, the army and the church, which Charles rejected as making him a mere figurehead. He raised his standard at Nottingham on 22 August 1642, a formal declaration of war. People chose sides for many reasons: religion was often decisive, with Puritans tending toward Parliament and those attached to the bishops and Prayer Book toward the king, but loyalty, local rivalries, fear and self-interest mattered too. Many people simply wanted to stay neutral, and some counties tried to agree local truces. Parliament held London, most ports and the navy, giving it a long-term advantage in money and supplies.
- 18Edgehill and the Early War, 1642–1643The first major battle of the war came at Edgehill in Warwickshire on 23 October 1642. The king's nephew Prince Rupert led a powerful cavalry charge, but his horsemen pursued too far, and the battle ended indecisively with heavy losses on both sides. Charles then advanced on London, but at Turnham Green in November a large parliamentarian force, swelled by London's trained bands, blocked his path without a real fight. Charles made Oxford his capital. In 1643 royalists won a series of victories, including at Adwalton Moor and Roundway Down, and took the port of Bristol, but Parliament's relief of Gloucester and the battle of Newbury halted their momentum. John Hampden was mortally wounded at Chalgrove Field that June. The nicknames 'Cavaliers' and 'Roundheads' were insults that each side used for the other. By late 1643 neither side could win quickly, and both looked to the other kingdoms for help.
- 19The Solemn League and Covenant and Marston MoorFacing stalemate, John Pym negotiated an alliance with the Scottish Covenanters before his death in December 1643. In the Solemn League and Covenant of September 1643, Parliament agreed to reform religion in England and Ireland 'according to the word of God and the example of the best reformed churches', which the Scots read as a promise of Presbyterianism, in return for a Scottish army. Charles, meanwhile, agreed a truce with the Irish Confederates to free troops for England, which his enemies portrayed as an alliance with Catholic rebels. In January 1644 a Scottish army crossed into England. On 2 July 1644 at Marston Moor near York, combined Scottish and parliamentarian forces defeated Prince Rupert in the largest battle of the civil wars, and the royalists lost control of the north. Cromwell's disciplined cavalry played a key role. The alliance also created tensions, because many English parliamentarians did not want a rigid Scottish-style church.
- 20The New Model Army and NasebyAfter disappointing campaigns in 1644, Parliament reorganized its forces. The Self-Denying Ordinance of April 1645 required members of both Houses to resign military commands, removing aristocratic generals accused of half-hearted fighting, though Oliver Cromwell received repeated exemptions. A new national force, the New Model Army, was created under Sir Thomas Fairfax, with Cromwell as lieutenant-general of the cavalry. It was regularly paid, professionally led and promoted officers more for ability than birth, and many of its soldiers held strong Independent religious views. On 14 June 1645 it destroyed the king's main field army at Naseby in Northamptonshire. Among the captured baggage were Charles's private letters, which Parliament published as 'The King's Cabinet Opened', exposing his efforts to obtain foreign and Irish Catholic troops. In May 1646 Charles surrendered to the Scots, ending the First Civil War. The army that had won the war, however, would soon become a political force in its own right.
- 21Civilians, Women and the Human Cost of WarThe civil wars touched almost every community. Armies seized food and horses, quartered soldiers in homes, and laid siege to towns, while disease spread through camps and garrisons. Historian Charles Carlton estimated that about 3.7 percent of England's population died as a result of the wars, a larger share than in the First World War; losses in Ireland and Scotland were proportionally even greater. In 1645 local 'Clubmen' associations in several counties armed themselves to keep both armies out. Women played many roles: Lady Brilliana Harley defended her castle at Brampton Bryan in 1643, the Countess of Derby held Lathom House in 1644, and many women ran estates, nursed the wounded or followed the armies. Women also petitioned Parliament, a striking entry into public politics. Meanwhile censorship collapsed and printed newsbooks and pamphlets exploded in number. The war changed not only who governed but how ordinary people experienced and talked about politics.
- 22The Putney Debates and the LevellersAfter the First Civil War, Parliament tried to disband much of the New Model Army without paying arrears of wages, and soldiers began electing representatives called 'agitators'. In June 1647 the army seized the king, and in October and November 1647 its officers and representatives debated England's future at St Mary's Church in Putney. Leveller ideas dominated the radical side: their 'Agreement of the People' proposed that power came from the people, with regular elections and rights that even Parliament could not override. Colonel Thomas Rainsborough argued that 'the poorest he that is in England hath a life to live, as the greatest he', so every man should consent to the government he lived under. Henry Ireton replied that only those with a 'permanent fixed interest' in the kingdom, meaning property, should vote. The debates ended without agreement, and the Levellers were later suppressed. Yet they are remembered as one of the earliest public arguments for something close to manhood suffrage.
- 23The Second Civil War and Pride's Purge, 1648Even as a prisoner, Charles kept negotiating with every side, hoping to divide his enemies. In December 1647 he made a secret 'Engagement' with moderate Scots, promising to establish Presbyterianism in England for three years in return for military help. In 1648 royalist risings broke out in Kent, Essex and Wales, and a Scottish army invaded England, but the New Model Army crushed them; Cromwell defeated the Scots at Preston in August. Many in the army now saw the king as 'that man of blood' who had renewed war and must be held to account. When Parliament continued to negotiate with him, soldiers acted: on 6 December 1648 Colonel Thomas Pride stood at the door of the Commons and arrested or turned away MPs thought willing to deal with the king. Around 45 MPs were arrested and many more were excluded, leaving a 'Rump' that would put Charles on trial. Pride's Purge was a military coup, and it made regicide possible.
- 24Historians Debate the Causes of the Civil WarWhy did England fall into civil war? Nineteenth-century Whig historians such as S. R. Gardiner saw a 'Puritan Revolution', a long struggle for liberty and Protestantism against royal absolutism. In the twentieth century Marxist historians, notably Christopher Hill, interpreted it as a 'bourgeois revolution' in which a rising commercial class challenged a feudal order. From the 1970s revisionists such as Conrad Russell rejected long-term inevitability, arguing that the war came from short-term mistakes and from three underlying problems: ruling multiple kingdoms, religious division, and a crown that could not pay its way. John Morrill famously argued that the conflict was less the first European revolution than 'the last of the Wars of Religion'. Post-revisionists accept the importance of contingency but insist that real ideological conflicts over law, liberty and religion existed before 1640. Comparing these views shows how each generation's questions and sources shape its answers.
- 25The Trial of Charles INo English court had ever tried a reigning king, and no existing law provided for it. In January 1649 the purged Commons declared that the people were the origin of all just power and that the Commons alone held supreme authority, then created a special High Court of Justice without the Lords' consent. The trial opened in Westminster Hall on 20 January, with John Bradshaw presiding and John Cook prosecuting Charles for treason against the people by waging war on them. Charles refused to enter a plea, repeatedly demanding to know 'by what lawful authority' he had been brought there, and argued he was defending the liberties of his subjects against an illegal court. Many named commissioners stayed away, including Sir Thomas Fairfax. On 27 January the court sentenced him to death, and 59 commissioners signed the warrant. Supporters saw the trial as holding even a king accountable; critics, then and since, saw a show trial staged by a minority backed by the army.
- 26The Execution of a King and the Battle of ImagesOn 30 January 1649 Charles I was beheaded on a scaffold outside the Banqueting House in Whitehall. In his final speech he declared that he died a Christian and that a subject and a sovereign were 'clean different things', insisting that the people's liberty lay in good laws, not in a share of government. Eyewitnesses reported a groan from the crowd. The execution shocked Europe, where monarchs saw it as an attack on the very idea of kingship. Within days a book called 'Eikon Basilike', presented as the king's own meditations, appeared and ran through dozens of editions, portraying Charles as a patient martyr. The new regime asked the poet John Milton to answer it, and his 'Eikonoklastes' attacked the cult of the dead king. This war of words shows that winning power was not enough: the republic also had to win the argument about whether killing a king was justice or murder.
- 27The Commonwealth: England Without a KingIn March 1649 the Rump Parliament abolished the office of king as 'unnecessary, burdensome and dangerous' and abolished the House of Lords as 'useless and dangerous'. In May England was declared a Commonwealth and Free State, governed by Parliament with an executive Council of State. The new regime had narrow support: royalists, Presbyterians and many moderates rejected it, while radicals felt betrayed when it suppressed the Levellers and the Burford mutiny of May 1649. To build loyalty, it required adult men to take the 'Engagement', a promise to be faithful to the Commonwealth without king or House of Lords. This sparked debate about whether people should obey a government that had seized power by force; some writers argued that a government that protects you deserves obedience, an idea also explored in Thomas Hobbes's 'Leviathan' of 1651. The Commonwealth faced war in Ireland and Scotland and had to depend on the army that had created it, a dependence that would define the whole republican decade.
- 28Cromwell's Campaign in Ireland, 1649–1650In August 1649 Cromwell landed near Dublin with a large, well-supplied army to reconquer Ireland, where Irish Confederates and royalists had allied. At Drogheda in September, after the garrison refused to surrender and the walls were stormed, Cromwell's troops killed most of the defenders along with Catholic clergy and some civilians, perhaps around 3,500 people in all; a similar killing followed at Wexford in October. Cromwell described Drogheda as God's righteous judgement on those he blamed for 1641 and argued that it would save lives by deterring resistance. Some historians note that the laws of war at the time permitted harsh treatment of garrisons that refused terms, and debate how many civilians were deliberately targeted; most stress that the killings were severe even by contemporary standards. After the conquest, the Act for the Settlement of Ireland of 1652 confiscated huge areas of Catholic-owned land. In Irish memory Cromwell became a symbol of conquest and dispossession, which makes this campaign essential to understanding later Irish history.
- 29Dunbar, Worcester and the Conquest of ScotlandThe Scots had not agreed to the execution of Charles I, and in February 1649 they proclaimed his son Charles II as king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, on condition that he accept the Covenants. This made Scotland a threat to the English republic. In 1650 Cromwell invaded and, though outnumbered and trapped near the coast, won a crushing victory at Dunbar on 3 September 1650. Thousands of Scottish prisoners died on a forced march and in captivity, and some survivors were sent to New England as indentured labourers. Charles II was crowned at Scone in January 1651 and invaded England, but few English royalists joined him, and he was defeated at Worcester on 3 September 1651, exactly a year after Dunbar. Charles escaped after six weeks on the run. Scotland was then occupied and incorporated into a single Commonwealth with England, with seats in a common Parliament. For the first time the three kingdoms were united, but by conquest rather than consent.
- 30Radical Voices: Diggers, Quakers and Fifth MonarchistsThe collapse of censorship and church discipline allowed an astonishing range of radical groups to flourish. In April 1649 Gerrard Winstanley and the Diggers began cultivating common land on St George's Hill in Surrey, arguing that the earth was a 'common treasury' for all; local landowners drove them off within a year. The Quakers, led by figures such as George Fox, taught that every person could experience an 'inner light' of God directly, refused to swear oaths or remove their hats to social superiors, and spread rapidly in the 1650s. Fifth Monarchists believed, based on biblical prophecy, that the rule of Christ and his saints was imminent and that earthly government should prepare for it. Mainstream Puritans and gentry were alarmed, seeing such groups as threats to property and social order; the harsh punishment of the Quaker James Nayler in 1656 showed the limits of toleration. These movements matter because they pushed ideas of equality and conscience further than most people in the period would accept.
- 31Dissolving the Rump and the Nominated Assembly, 1653By 1653 the army had lost patience with the Rump, which it accused of self-interest and of delaying reform and new elections. On 20 April 1653 Cromwell entered the chamber with musketeers and dissolved it, reportedly denouncing the members and ordering the removal of the mace, the symbol of the House's authority. Ironically, the man who had fought for Parliament's rights had now closed one by force. In its place the army's Council of Officers selected about 140 'godly' men, many nominated with advice from Independent congregations, to form a Nominated Assembly. Critics mocked it as 'Barebone's Parliament' after one member, a London leather-seller named Praise-God Barebone. It debated radical changes, including abolishing tithes and reforming the Court of Chancery, and it introduced civil marriage before magistrates. Alarmed by its radicalism, moderate members met early on 12 December 1653 and voted to hand their power back to Cromwell, opening the way to rule by a Lord Protector.
- 32The Instrument of Government: A Written ConstitutionIn December 1653 the army's leaders, chiefly Major-General John Lambert, produced the Instrument of Government, often described as England's first written constitution. It made Cromwell Lord Protector for life, sharing executive power with a Council of State, and created a single-chamber Parliament of 460 members, including 30 from Scotland and 30 from Ireland, to meet at least every three years. Parliament could pass laws the Protector could delay only briefly, while a standing army and its funding were fixed in the constitution. It granted freedom of worship to those who professed faith in Christ, but explicitly excluded 'Popery' and 'Prelacy', meaning Catholicism and Anglican rule by bishops. The first Protectorate Parliament, meeting in 1654, immediately questioned the Instrument's authority, and Cromwell forced members to accept its basic principles. The experiment showed both the appeal of a fixed written framework and the problem of legitimacy for any constitution drafted by generals rather than by the people's representatives.
- 33The Rule of the Major-GeneralsIn March 1655 a royalist rising led by John Penruddock in Wiltshire was quickly crushed, but it alarmed the regime. Cromwell responded by dividing England and Wales into regions, each supervised by a Major-General with powers over security, policing and what the regime called the 'reformation of manners'. The Major-Generals were funded by a 'decimation tax', a ten percent levy on the income of former royalists, which punished a whole group for the actions of a few. Many also closed alehouses, suppressed horse races, cockfights and other gatherings, and pursued vagrants and swearers. To the regime this was godly reform and sensible security; to many in the localities it was military rule interfering in everyday life and overriding traditional local gentry. When Parliament refused to renew the decimation tax in January 1657, the system ended. The experiment left a long memory of army government that helped make standing armies deeply unpopular in England.
- 34Trade and Empire: The Navigation Act, the Dutch War and JamaicaThe republic pursued an aggressive commercial and imperial policy. The Navigation Act of 1651 required goods imported into England to come in English ships or in ships of the country that produced them, a direct challenge to Dutch merchants who dominated European shipping. Tension led to the First Anglo-Dutch War of 1652–1654, fought mostly at sea, where England's expanded navy performed well. Cromwell then launched the 'Western Design' against Spain's Caribbean empire, partly from anti-Catholic conviction and partly for wealth. The expedition failed badly at Hispaniola in 1655 but captured Jamaica, which became a major English sugar colony built on the labour of enslaved Africans. An alliance with France against Spain brought victory at the Battle of the Dunes in 1658 and gave England the port of Dunkirk. These policies showed that the republic, despite its instability at home, laid foundations of naval power and empire that later governments would build on.
- 35The Readmission of Jews to EnglandJews had been expelled from England by Edward I in 1290, though a few individuals of Jewish descent lived quietly in London. In 1655 Menasseh ben Israel, a respected rabbi from Amsterdam, petitioned Cromwell to allow Jews to settle openly. Supporters had mixed motives: some Protestants held millenarian hopes connected to biblical prophecy, some valued the trade links of Jewish merchants, and some believed in wider religious toleration. Opponents included merchants fearing competition and clergy hostile to Judaism, reflecting long-standing prejudice. A conference at Whitehall in December 1655 reached no formal decision, though the judges stated that no law actually barred Jews from living in England. In 1656 the regime allowed the small community to worship privately and soon to acquire a burial ground, a quiet, informal readmission rather than a grand act. This modest step made England one of the few European states where Jews could openly practise their religion at the time.
- 36Assessing Oliver CromwellIn 1657 Parliament offered Cromwell the crown in the Humble Petition and Advice. After weeks of agonizing, he refused the title of king, partly because army officers opposed it, but accepted a revised constitution that let him name his successor and restored a second chamber. He died on 3 September 1658, the anniversary of Dunbar and Worcester. Judgements of Cromwell have always been sharply divided. To his admirers he was a man of deep faith and military genius who championed toleration for Protestants, refused a crown, and helped establish that kings answer to the law. To his critics he was a regicide and military dictator who dissolved parliaments by force. In Ireland he is remembered above all for the conquest of 1649–50 and the confiscation of land that followed. Thomas Carlyle's 1845 edition of his letters and speeches helped restore his reputation in Victorian Britain. Studying these contrasting views shows how a single figure can embody different meanings for different communities.
- 37Monck's March and the Declaration of BredaCromwell's son Richard succeeded him as Lord Protector in 1658 but lacked the army's confidence and resigned in May 1659. A chaotic year followed in which the army recalled the Rump, expelled it, then allowed it back again. General George Monck, commander of the army in Scotland, marched south across the Tweed at Coldstream on 1 January 1660, declaring support for a free Parliament. In London he readmitted the MPs excluded by Pride's Purge, and the Long Parliament finally dissolved itself, calling new elections. Meanwhile Charles II, advised by Edward Hyde, issued the Declaration of Breda in April 1660, promising a general pardon, 'liberty to tender consciences', payment of army arrears, and to leave hard questions to Parliament. This clever document reassured those who feared revenge. The newly elected Convention Parliament invited Charles back, and he entered London on 29 May 1660, his thirtieth birthday, to wide celebration. The Restoration came less from royalist victory than from the republic's collapse.
- 38Indemnity, Oblivion and the Fate of the RegicidesThe Restoration settlement aimed to heal divisions while reasserting royal authority. The Act of Indemnity and Oblivion of 1660 pardoned most actions during the wars and republic, but excluded those directly involved in the king's execution. Ten were executed in October 1660, including Major-General Thomas Harrison and the prosecutor John Cook, and more were later hunted down; others fled to Switzerland or New England. In January 1661 the bodies of Cromwell, Ireton and Bradshaw were exhumed and hanged at Tyburn, a symbolic punishment. Crown and church lands sold during the republic were returned, but royalists who had sold land to pay fines got little back, leading some to joke that the act meant indemnity for the king's enemies and oblivion for his friends. Parliament abolished old feudal dues and voted the king a regular income meant to be about £1.2 million a year, which in practice often fell short. The settlement combined mercy and revenge, and it left many questions about the limits of royal power unresolved.
- 39The Clarendon Code and the Great EjectionDespite the promise of 'liberty to tender consciences', the strongly royalist and Anglican Cavalier Parliament, elected in 1661, chose to restore a church governed by bishops and to exclude those who would not conform. A series of laws, later called the Clarendon Code after the chief minister Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, though he did not design all of them, enforced this. The Corporation Act of 1661 barred non-Anglicans from town government. The Act of Uniformity of 1662 required ministers to use the revised Book of Common Prayer; around 2,000 clergy who refused lost their livings in what became known as the Great Ejection. The Conventicle Act of 1664 banned unlicensed religious meetings, and the Five Mile Act of 1665 kept ejected ministers away from towns. Protestant 'Dissenters', including Presbyterians, Baptists and Quakers, became a permanent group outside the national church. Many suffered fines or imprisonment, and the question of toleration remained central to politics until 1689.
- 40Plague and Fire: London in 1665–1666In 1665 London suffered its last great outbreak of bubonic plague. The city's weekly bills of mortality recorded about 68,000 plague deaths that year, and historians think the true toll approached 100,000, perhaps a quarter of the population. The court and many wealthy residents fled, while the poor, crowded into the suburbs, bore the worst losses. In the Derbyshire village of Eyam, residents chose to isolate themselves to stop the disease spreading, at heavy cost. Then on 2 September 1666 a fire began in Thomas Farriner's bakery in Pudding Lane and, driven by strong winds through timber houses, burned for four days, destroying over 13,000 houses, 87 parish churches and St Paul's Cathedral. Rumours blamed foreigners and Catholics, and a French watchmaker who falsely confessed was hanged. Rebuilding in brick and stone, and Christopher Wren's new St Paul's, transformed the city, while the disasters also deepened suspicion and religious fear.
- 41The Royal Society and the New ScienceIn November 1660 a group of natural philosophers meeting at Gresham College in London founded a society to promote experimental learning; Charles II granted it a royal charter in 1662, creating the Royal Society. Its motto, 'Nullius in verba', roughly 'take nobody's word for it', expressed a commitment to evidence from observation and experiment rather than authority. Members included Robert Boyle, whose experiments with an air pump produced his law on gas pressure, Robert Hooke, whose 'Micrographia' (1665) revealed the world under the microscope, and Christopher Wren. In 1665 it began publishing 'Philosophical Transactions', and in 1687 Isaac Newton's 'Principia' was published under its imprimatur. Some historians argue that the society's emphasis on agreed facts and polite debate was partly a response to decades of religious and political conflict, offering a way to settle disagreements without violence. The new science gave Restoration England a lasting intellectual legacy.
- 42The Secret Treaty of Dover, 1670Charles II admired his cousin Louis XIV of France and needed money that Parliament was reluctant to grant. In June 1670 he signed the Treaty of Dover, negotiated with the help of his sister Henrietta Anne, Duchess of Orléans. Publicly, England and France agreed to fight the Dutch Republic together. Secretly, Charles promised to declare himself a Catholic when the time was right, in return for French subsidies and troops if needed. Only a few ministers knew of the secret clause; a separate 'cover' treaty without it was signed by others. In 1672 Charles joined France in the Third Anglo-Dutch War and issued a Declaration of Indulgence suspending penal laws against Catholics and Dissenters. Historians still debate how sincere the conversion promise was: some see a genuine religious inclination, others a ploy to extract French money. Either way, rumours of the treaty deepened suspicion that the court was secretly Catholic and pro-French.
- 43The Test Act and the Duke of York's FaithCharles II had many children, but none with his wife Catherine of Braganza, so his heir was his brother James, Duke of York. Around 1669 James privately converted to Catholicism. In 1673 Parliament forced Charles to withdraw his Declaration of Indulgence and passed the Test Act, requiring all holders of public office to take Anglican communion and to deny the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation. James refused and resigned as Lord High Admiral, making his conversion obvious. That year he married the Catholic Mary of Modena, raising the prospect of a Catholic dynasty. Charles countered by marrying James's Protestant daughter Mary to her cousin William of Orange in 1677. A second Test Act in 1678 barred Catholics from sitting in Parliament. To many Protestants the prospect of a Catholic king raised fears of absolutism like Louis XIV's, while James's supporters argued that hereditary right could not be altered by religion. This dilemma shaped politics for fifteen years.
- 44The Popish Plot, 1678In 1678 Titus Oates, a former Anglican clergyman with a history of dishonesty, claimed to have uncovered a vast Jesuit plot to murder Charles II and put James on the throne. His story was largely invented, but two events made it seem credible. The magistrate Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey, who had taken Oates's sworn statement, was found dead in October 1678, and letters by Edward Coleman, the Duchess of York's secretary, revealed real attempts to seek French money for Catholic causes. Panic followed. Parliament passed the second Test Act, and more than twenty innocent people, including Catholic priests and the Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, Oliver Plunkett, were executed over the next few years. Oates was celebrated, then disgraced; in 1685 he was convicted of perjury. The plot shows how fear, rumour and partisan politics can combine to produce injustice, and it set the stage for the Exclusion Crisis.
- 45The Exclusion Crisis and the Birth of Whigs and ToriesBetween 1679 and 1681 Parliament tried three times to pass a bill excluding James from the succession. Led by the Earl of Shaftesbury, supporters of exclusion argued that a Catholic king would threaten Protestantism and liberty, and some favoured Charles's illegitimate Protestant son, the Duke of Monmouth. Opponents insisted that hereditary succession was sacred and that excluding the rightful heir would lead back to civil war. Each side gave the other an insulting nickname: 'Whigs' after Scottish Presbyterian rebels, and 'Tories' after Irish Catholic outlaws. The Whigs organized petitions, clubs and street processions, while Tories rallied around church and crown. In 1680 the House of Lords rejected the bill, and in March 1681 Charles dissolved a parliament summoned to Oxford after only a week. Backed by French subsidies, he never called another. The crisis left England with something new: organized rival parties competing for public opinion.
- 46The Habeas Corpus Act, 1679The writ of habeas corpus already existed, but it could be evaded, as the Five Knights' Case had shown. During the Exclusion Crisis, Parliament passed the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 to make the procedure effective. It required judges to issue the writ promptly, set deadlines for jailers to bring prisoners before a court, imposed heavy fines on officials who disobeyed, and forbade sending prisoners to places such as Scotland or overseas islands where English writs did not run. Whig MPs saw it as a protection against politically motivated imprisonment by the crown. The act did not apply to every situation, and Parliament later suspended it in times of perceived danger, which shows that rights could be limited in emergencies. Still, it became a cornerstone of English liberty and influenced legal systems across the English-speaking world, including the United States Constitution's protection of the writ.
- 47The Rye House Plot and the Tory ReactionAfter 1681 Charles II and the Tories moved against the defeated Whigs. Shaftesbury fled to the Netherlands, where he died in 1683. That year the government uncovered the Rye House Plot, an alleged plan to ambush Charles and James near Rye House in Hertfordshire on their return from the Newmarket races. How far the leading Whigs were involved is still debated: some radicals clearly discussed assassination, while others probably only discussed resistance or rebellion. The government used the plot to destroy Whig leaders. Lord William Russell was executed in July 1683, and Algernon Sidney was condemned partly on the evidence of his unpublished writings defending resistance to tyrants. The crown also forced towns, including London, to surrender their charters, letting it reshape local government and future elections. John Locke, connected to Shaftesbury, fled abroad. By 1685 the monarchy looked stronger than at any time since 1640, a position James II inherited.
- 48Restoration Empire: New York, Carolina and the Slave TradeThe Restoration was also a period of rapid imperial expansion. In 1664 English forces seized the Dutch colony of New Netherland, and New Amsterdam was renamed New York after the king's brother, James, Duke of York. Charles granted Carolina to a group of proprietors in 1663 and Pennsylvania to the Quaker William Penn in 1681, partly to settle a debt owed to Penn's father. Charles's marriage brought Bombay and Tangier to England. Royally chartered companies expanded trade, including the Hudson's Bay Company (1670) and the Royal African Company (1672), which James headed and which held a monopoly on English trade in enslaved Africans. Tens of thousands of people were forcibly transported to English Caribbean and American colonies, where colonial laws defined them as property. Even John Locke helped draft the 'Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina', which accepted slavery. This expansion reminds us that the same era that debated English liberties also built an empire based on unfreedom.
- 49James II and Monmouth's RebellionJames II became king in February 1685 with surprisingly little opposition. Despite the Exclusion Crisis, the new Parliament was overwhelmingly Tory and voted him a generous income. Within months, however, two Protestant rebellions broke out. In Scotland the Earl of Argyll's rising quickly failed, and he was executed. In June the Duke of Monmouth landed at Lyme Regis in Dorset, proclaimed himself king, and attracted several thousand supporters, mostly artisans and farmworkers from the West Country, but few gentry. On 6 July 1685 his poorly armed force was defeated at Sedgemoor in Somerset, and Monmouth was executed days later. The rebellions' failure seemed to show that James was secure, yet he drew a dangerous lesson: he used the emergency to enlarge the standing army and to appoint Catholic officers in defiance of the Test Act. When Parliament objected in November 1685, James prorogued it, and it never met again during his reign.
- 50Judge Jeffreys and the Bloody AssizesAfter Sedgemoor, Lord Chief Justice George Jeffreys led special court sessions, or assizes, across the West Country in late summer 1685 to try those accused of supporting Monmouth. More than a thousand people were tried. Most estimates suggest that around 150 to 250 were executed, while about 800 were sentenced to transportation to the Caribbean colonies, where they were sold as bound labourers. Among those executed was Lady Alice Lisle, an elderly widow condemned for sheltering two fugitives. The hearings became known as the 'Bloody Assizes', and Jeffreys was rewarded with the office of Lord Chancellor. Whig writers later turned him into a symbol of judicial cruelty, while some historians argue he was carrying out the king's wishes under harsh but existing treason law. Either way, the severity shocked many people and became part of the case against James's rule. When James fell in 1688, Jeffreys was caught trying to escape in disguise and died in the Tower in 1689.
- 51The Dispensing Power and Godden v. HalesJames II wanted to give fellow Catholics equal access to public office, but the Test Acts stood in the way and Parliament would not repeal them. He therefore relied on royal prerogative. The 'dispensing power' allowed a king to exempt individuals from a law, while the more extreme 'suspending power' would set a law aside entirely. In 1686 James arranged a test case: Sir Edward Hales, a Catholic army officer, was sued by his own servant, Godden, for holding a commission without taking the test. Having first removed judges who disagreed with him, James obtained a ruling from eleven of the twelve judges that the king could dispense with the law in individual cases. James then appointed Catholics to the army, the Privy Council, the universities and local government, set up a Commission for Ecclesiastical Causes that suspended the Protestant Bishop of London, and expelled Protestant fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford. Critics argued that if the king could dispense with any law, Parliament's laws meant little.
- 52Huguenot Refugees and the Fear of French AbsolutismIn October 1685, months after James became king, Louis XIV of France revoked the Edict of Nantes, which had protected French Protestants, known as Huguenots, since 1598. Protestant churches were demolished, ministers were expelled, and troops were billeted on Huguenot families to force conversions in the 'dragonnades'. Perhaps 150,000 to 200,000 Huguenots fled France, and tens of thousands came to England, bringing skills in silk-weaving, silverwork and finance. Their stories of persecution reached English readers through sermons and pamphlets. For many English Protestants, Louis showed what a Catholic absolute monarch might do, and they wondered whether James, Louis's cousin and ally, would follow the same path. James did permit collections for the refugees, yet his own policies favouring Catholics made such fears hard to dispel. The revocation thus helped turn James's Catholicism from a private matter into a perceived threat to English liberty and religion.
- 53The Declaration of Indulgence and Packing ParliamentIn April 1687 James issued a Declaration of Indulgence suspending the penal laws and religious tests against both Catholics and Protestant Dissenters. Some Dissenters, including the Quaker William Penn, welcomed it, and James sincerely presented it as liberty of conscience. Yet many Dissenters were suspicious: they suspected the offer was meant mainly to benefit Catholics, and they knew it rested on prerogative rather than law and could be withdrawn. The Marquess of Halifax's anonymous 'Letter to a Dissenter' warned them not to trust it. To make toleration permanent, James needed a parliament willing to repeal the Test Acts. He questioned justices of the peace and deputy lieutenants about whether they would support repeal, removed many who refused, and remodelled town corporations to produce friendly MPs. This campaign alienated the Tory Anglican gentry who were James's natural supporters. Historians still debate whether James sought genuine toleration or Catholic dominance; either way, his methods convinced many that law was being overridden by royal will.
- 54The Trial of the Seven BishopsIn April 1688 James reissued his Declaration of Indulgence and ordered that it be read aloud in every Anglican church. Seven bishops, including William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, petitioned the king, arguing that the dispensing power on which the Declaration rested had been declared illegal by Parliament. James was furious, and when most clergy refused to read the Declaration, he had the bishops charged with seditious libel and sent to the Tower. Their trial in Westminster Hall became a national drama. On 30 June 1688 the jury found them not guilty, and London celebrated with bonfires and bells; even soldiers in James's camp at Hounslow Heath cheered. The case was momentous because the bishops were leaders of the Church of England, traditionally the strongest supporters of royal authority. When even they defied the king and a jury backed them, it showed how far James had lost the political nation.
- 55A Prince Is Born and the Invitation to WilliamUntil 1688 many of James's opponents could wait: his heirs were his Protestant daughters Mary and Anne, so his Catholic policies might die with him. On 10 June 1688, however, Queen Mary of Modena gave birth to a son, James Francis Edward, who would be raised Catholic and take precedence in the succession. Rumours spread that the baby was an impostor smuggled into the queen's bed in a warming pan, a claim with no reliable evidence but widely believed because many leading Protestants, including Princess Anne, had not been present at the birth. On 30 June, the very day the seven bishops were acquitted, seven leading figures, later called the 'Immortal Seven', signed a secret letter inviting William of Orange to intervene with an army. They included both Whigs and Tories, as well as the Bishop of London. The invitation promised support if William came, and it gave his intervention a cloak of English request. The birth had turned a temporary problem into the prospect of a permanent Catholic dynasty.
- 56Why the Dutch Invaded: William of Orange's MotivesWilliam of Orange, Stadholder of the Dutch Republic, was James's nephew and son-in-law, but his central concern was Louis XIV's France, which had invaded the Republic in 1672. William feared that James might ally with Louis, and he wanted England's money, fleet and army on the Dutch side in a coming European war. Protecting his wife Mary's claim to the English throne mattered too. The Dutch States General, including the powerful city of Amsterdam, backed the risky expedition partly because French trade measures had hurt Dutch commerce. In September 1688 Louis sent his armies into the Rhineland rather than toward the Dutch border, freeing William to sail. William's printed 'Declaration' listed James's illegal acts and promised a free Parliament, presenting the invasion as a rescue of English liberties. Some historians, notably Jonathan Israel, stress that 1688 was above all a carefully planned Dutch invasion, while others emphasize the English invitation and support that made it succeed.
- 57The Protestant Wind: From Torbay to LondonWilliam's fleet, after a failed first attempt in October, sailed again on 1 November 1688. An easterly wind, which supporters called the 'Protestant wind', carried it down the Channel while holding James's navy in the Thames estuary. William landed at Brixham in Torbay, Devon, on 5 November, the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot. His banners proclaimed 'The Protestant Religion and the Liberties of England'. James had a larger army and marched to Salisbury, but confidence collapsed. Key officers deserted to William, including John Churchill, and James's daughter Anne fled London to join the opposition. Risings in the north captured York and Nottingham. Suffering severe nosebleeds and fearing betrayal, James retreated without fighting a major battle. Only small skirmishes, such as at Reading, took place. The campaign showed that a king who had lost the loyalty of his army and elite could not hold power, however large his forces looked on paper.
- 58The Flight of James IIIn December 1688 James sent his wife and baby son to France and on 11 December tried to follow, throwing the Great Seal, needed to summon a parliament legally, into the River Thames. Fishermen at Faversham in Kent caught him and, not realizing at first who he was, handled him roughly. Peers in London formed a provisional government, and anti-Catholic riots broke out. James was brought back to London, but William did not want a captive king who might become a martyr like Charles I, so Dutch guards escorted James to Rochester and allowed him to escape. He reached France on Christmas Day, where Louis XIV gave him the palace of Saint-Germain-en-Laye. James's flight created a political vacuum. To his supporters he had been forced out by invasion and threat; to his opponents his departure amounted to giving up the throne. That interpretation, abdication or deposition, would shape the constitutional debates that followed.
- 59The Convention and the Offer of the CrownWith no king to summon a parliament, William called an assembly elected in the usual way, known as the Convention, which met on 22 January 1689. The Commons resolved that James, by breaking 'the original contract between king and people' and withdrawing from the kingdom, had 'abdicated the government' and that the throne was 'vacant'. The Lords hesitated. Many Tories, believing kingship was hereditary, proposed a regency for James or that Mary should reign alone as rightful heir. William made clear he would not be a mere regent or his wife's consort, and Mary refused to rule above him. The compromise made William and Mary joint monarchs, with executive power in William's hands. On 13 February 1689, in the Banqueting House where Charles I had walked to his death, the Declaration of Rights was read to them and they were offered the crown. The language of 'abdication' and 'vacancy' let both Whigs and Tories accept the result.
- 60Was 1688 Really a Revolution?The events of 1688–89 were soon called the 'Glorious Revolution', and for generations Whig historians such as Thomas Babington Macaulay celebrated them as a moderate, almost bloodless triumph of liberty that saved England from both absolutism and violent upheaval. Edmund Burke later described it as 'a revolution not made, but prevented', a defence of the ancient constitution rather than a break with it. Twentieth-century historians challenged this picture. Some stressed that it was a Dutch invasion; others noted that it was far from bloodless in Scotland and Ireland. Steve Pincus argued in 2009 that 1688 was the 'first modern revolution', a violent and popular struggle between rival plans to modernize the English state. Tim Harris has emphasized that it was a crisis of all three kingdoms. Deciding whether 1688 was a conservative restoration, a coup, an invasion or a true revolution depends on which evidence, places and long-term effects one stresses.
- 61From Declaration of Rights to Bill of RightsThe Declaration of Rights read to William and Mary in February 1689 had three parts. First, it listed the ways James II had tried to subvert 'the laws and liberties of this kingdom', such as using the dispensing and suspending powers, prosecuting the seven bishops, and keeping a standing army without Parliament's consent. Second, it declared those acts illegal and asserted 'ancient rights and liberties'. Third, it settled the crown on William and Mary, then on Mary's heirs, then on Anne and her heirs. In December 1689 Parliament turned the Declaration into a statute, the Bill of Rights, adding that no Catholic, or anyone married to a Catholic, could inherit the throne. Historians debate whether the crown was offered on condition of accepting the Declaration; William never formally agreed to conditions, but the text was read before the offer. Either way, the Bill of Rights became a foundation of Britain's unwritten constitution, defining limits on royal power through law.
- 62Free Elections, Free Speech in Parliament and the Right to PetitionSeveral articles of the Bill of Rights protected Parliament and the subject's ability to address the crown. It declared that 'election of members of Parliament ought to be free', a response to James's purges and attempts to pack Parliament. Article 9 stated that 'freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament', protecting MPs from prosecution for what they said in debate. Another article affirmed 'the right of the subjects to petition the King', and that prosecutions for petitioning were illegal, a direct answer to the seven bishops' trial. It also declared that parliaments 'ought to be held frequently', though without setting a schedule. These clauses did not create democracy: the electorate was small and propertied. But they made Parliament a protected forum for debate and gave lasting legal force to principles that later shaped free speech protections in other constitutions.
- 63No Standing Army Without Consent: The Mutiny ActMemories of the New Model Army, the Major-Generals and James II's enlarged army made standing armies deeply suspect in England. The Bill of Rights declared that raising or keeping a standing army in time of peace, without the consent of Parliament, was against law. Yet William needed an army for the war against France. In March 1689 a regiment at Ipswich mutinied rather than serve abroad, and Parliament responded with the Mutiny Act, which gave legal authority to military discipline for a limited period. Because the act had to be renewed regularly, usually every year, the army's legal existence depended on Parliament. The Bill of Rights also stated that Protestant subjects 'may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law', reflecting fears that James had disarmed Protestants while arming Catholics. These clauses placed armed force under the control of law and Parliament, a principle that shaped later constitutions.
- 64Bail, Fines, Juries and 'Cruel and Unusual Punishments'The Bill of Rights also addressed abuses in the courts under the later Stuarts. It declared that 'excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted'. It required that jurors be properly chosen and, in treason trials, be freeholders, and it condemned promises of fines and forfeitures before a person was convicted. These clauses responded to experiences such as the Bloody Assizes and to cases where heavy fines were used to silence opponents. Historians have debated what 'cruel and unusual' originally meant: some link it to the extraordinary sentence imposed on Titus Oates in 1685, which went beyond what was normal for perjury, suggesting the phrase targeted punishments that were unauthorized or disproportionate rather than all harsh penalties. A century later, Americans copied the wording almost exactly into the Eighth Amendment. The clause shows how a specific seventeenth-century grievance can become a general principle reinterpreted by later societies.
- 65The Toleration Act of 1689Protestant Dissenters had largely refused James II's offer of toleration by prerogative, and in return Anglicans had promised them relief. The Toleration Act of May 1689 exempted Protestant Dissenters from penalties for not attending the parish church, allowing them to worship in their own registered meeting houses if they took oaths of allegiance and made a declaration against Catholic doctrine; Quakers were allowed a special declaration instead of an oath. The act was limited. It did not cover Catholics or those who denied the Trinity, and it left the Test and Corporation Acts in place, so Dissenters were still excluded from public office and the universities unless they conformed. Its full title did not even use the word 'toleration'. Still, it ended decades of legal persecution of Protestant worship and accepted, in practice, that religious diversity was permanent. Its limits show that 1689 was a Protestant settlement, not a grant of universal religious freedom.
- 66The Nonjurors: Conscience and the Oath of AllegianceThe new regime required clergy and officeholders to swear allegiance to William and Mary. For some, this was impossible. Archbishop Sancroft, several other bishops and roughly four hundred clergy refused, believing that their earlier oaths to James II still bound them while he lived, and that the Church's teaching of non-resistance forbade transferring allegiance. They became known as 'nonjurors', from the Latin for 'not swearing'. In 1690–91 the bishops among them were deprived of their posts, and some of the nonjurors went on to form a separate church that consecrated its own bishops. Ironically, Sancroft and several other nonjurors had defied James in 1688, showing that resisting a king's policy differed, in their minds, from removing him. Many other Tories took the oaths by treating William as king 'in fact' rather than 'by right'. The nonjurors reveal the real crisis of conscience that 1688 created for people who took oaths seriously.
- 67Locke's Two Treatises: Consent and the Right of ResistanceJohn Locke returned to England from exile in the Netherlands in February 1689, and later that year his 'Two Treatises of Government' were published anonymously. The first attacked Sir Robert Filmer's 'Patriarcha', which argued that kings inherit absolute authority from Adam. The second argued that people in a state of nature possess rights to life, liberty and property, and form government by consent to protect them. Government is a trust: if rulers betray it, for example by altering the legislature or invading property, the people may resist and establish a new government. The book looked like a justification of 1688, but historian Peter Laslett showed in 1960 that most of it had been written around 1679–83, during the Exclusion Crisis. In the 1690s many defenders of the Revolution actually avoided Locke's radical idea of popular resistance, preferring the safer language of 'abdication'. Locke's theory became far more influential in the eighteenth century, especially in America.
- 68Locke's Letter Concerning TolerationIn 1689 Locke's 'Letter Concerning Toleration' was published, first in Latin in the Netherlands and soon in an English translation by William Popple. Locke argued that the state's purpose is to protect 'civil interests' such as life, liberty and property, while the care of souls belongs to individuals and churches. Because genuine belief cannot be forced, he reasoned, persecution cannot achieve its aim and only produces hypocrisy and conflict. Churches should be voluntary societies, and the magistrate should not punish people for their religious opinions. Yet Locke set limits: he would not tolerate those he believed owed allegiance to a foreign ruler, which in his context meant Catholics, nor atheists, whose oaths he thought could not be trusted. Compared with the Toleration Act of the same year, Locke's principles were broader in theory but shared some of the same boundaries. The 'Letter' became an influential argument for separating religious belief from state coercion.
- 69Paying for War: The Financial Revolution and the Bank of EnglandWilliam brought England into the Nine Years' War against Louis XIV (1688–1697), a conflict on a scale English governments had never funded before. To pay for it, Parliament voted new taxes, including a land tax from 1692, and the government began to borrow long-term against future tax revenues. In 1694 investors created the Bank of England, which lent the government £1.2 million in return for a charter and interest. Over time this created a permanent national debt, guaranteed by Parliament. Because loans depended on Parliament's taxes, Parliament had to meet every year, and lenders trusted that a parliamentary state would honour its debts. Historians call this the 'Financial Revolution', and some, such as John Brewer, describe the result as a 'fiscal-military state' able to fight long wars. The war ended with the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697, in which Louis recognized William as king. Paying for war had transformed both public finance and Parliament's place in government.
- 70The Triennial Act and the End of Press LicensingThe 1690s brought further changes that strengthened Parliament and public debate. William had vetoed an earlier version, but in 1694 he accepted a Triennial Act requiring a new Parliament to be elected at least every three years. The result was frequent general elections and intense party competition between Whigs and Tories. In 1695 the House of Commons declined to renew the Licensing Act, which had required printed works to be approved before publication. This happened partly for practical reasons, as the system was inefficient and favoured the London Stationers' Company, rather than from a pure belief in free speech; Locke wrote a memorandum criticizing it. Authors could still be prosecuted afterward for libel or sedition, but pre-publication censorship ended. Newspapers multiplied, and London's first daily newspaper appeared in 1702. Frequent elections and a freer press created a lively political culture in which public opinion mattered more than ever.
- 71The Act of Settlement, 1701In July 1700 Princess Anne's last surviving child, the young Duke of Gloucester, died, leaving no Protestant heir after Anne. To prevent the crown passing to James II's Catholic son, Parliament passed the Act of Settlement in 1701. It settled the succession on Sophia, Electress of Hanover, a granddaughter of James I, and her Protestant descendants, bypassing dozens of Catholic relatives with stronger hereditary claims. It also added new limits on the monarchy, partly reflecting resentment of William's reliance on Dutch advisers and foreign wars. Future monarchs had to be in communion with the Church of England, could not involve England in war to defend foreign territories without Parliament's consent, and foreigners could not sit in Parliament or the Privy Council. Crucially, judges would hold office 'during good behaviour' and could be removed only at the request of both Houses of Parliament, protecting judicial independence. The act made Parliament, not hereditary right alone, the decisive authority over the succession.
- 72Monarchy After 1688: William, Mary and AnneThe monarchs who reigned after 1688 were still powerful. William III chose ministers, directed foreign policy and led armies in person, and Queen Anne presided over her cabinet and could refuse to sign bills. But their power now operated within new limits. Because the crown depended on annual parliamentary grants to fund war and government, monarchs needed ministers who could manage the Commons, and party politics shaped who held office. Mary II, joint monarch, governed during William's absences abroad but died of smallpox in December 1694, leaving William to rule alone until his death in 1702 after his horse stumbled on a molehill. Anne, the last Stuart monarch, reigned from 1702 to 1714; in 1708 she became the last British monarch to veto a bill passed by Parliament. The period shows a gradual shift: no single moment created constitutional monarchy, but steady pressures of money, party and law moved real power toward Parliament.
- 73The Revolution in Scotland: The Claim of RightScotland had its own parliament and church, so 1688 required a separate settlement. A Convention of Estates met in Edinburgh in March 1689, and when James's supporters walked out, the remaining members adopted the Claim of Right on 11 April 1689. Unlike the English Convention, which spoke of James 'abdicating', the Scots declared bluntly that he had 'forfeited' the crown by his illegal actions, a more openly contractual idea. The Claim also condemned rule by bishops, or 'prelacy', as a great grievance, and in 1690 Presbyterian government was restored to the Church of Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also abolished the Lords of the Articles, a committee through which the crown had controlled legislation. William and Mary accepted the Scottish crown in May 1689. The Scottish settlement was therefore both more radical in constitutional language and more divisive in religion, as Episcopalians, strongest in the north-east and Highlands, lost out and many became Jacobite sympathizers.
- 74Killiecrankie and the Jacobite Rising of 1689Supporters of James II came to be called Jacobites, from 'Jacobus', the Latin for James. In 1689 John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, left the Scottish Convention and raised Highland clans for James. On 27 July 1689, at the Pass of Killiecrankie in Perthshire, his Highlanders charged downhill and routed a larger government army under General Hugh Mackay. But Dundee was killed in the battle, and without his leadership the rising lost momentum. In August the Highlanders failed to take Dunkeld, which was defended by the Cameronian regiment, strict Presbyterians, and in May 1690 the Jacobites were defeated at Cromdale. Highland support for James reflected a mix of loyalty to the Stuarts, Episcopalian or Catholic religion, and clan politics, including rivalry with the powerful Campbells, who backed William. The rising showed that the Revolution in Scotland was not bloodless and that Jacobitism would remain a military threat for decades.
- 75The Massacre of Glencoe, 1692To end Highland resistance, the government offered a pardon to clan chiefs who swore allegiance to William and Mary by 1 January 1692. Alasdair MacIain, chief of the MacDonalds of Glencoe, delayed, then went to the wrong official and finally took the oath at Inveraray on 6 January, a few days late. Scotland's Secretary of State, John Dalrymple, Master of Stair, saw a chance to make an example of a clan with a reputation for raiding, and orders signed by William authorized action against them. Soldiers under Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon were billeted with the MacDonalds for about twelve days, accepting their hospitality. Early on 13 February 1692 they turned on their hosts, killing 38 people including MacIain; others died of exposure after fleeing into the snow. A Scottish parliamentary inquiry in 1695 condemned the killings as 'murder under trust', a crime in Scots law, but no one was punished. Glencoe became a lasting symbol of betrayal and government brutality.
- 76James II in Ireland and the Siege of DerryIreland was James's best hope of regaining his thrones. His Lord Deputy, the Earl of Tyrconnell, had built up a largely Catholic army, and in March 1689 James landed at Kinsale with French officers and money. Catholic Ireland largely rallied to him, seeing a chance to recover land and rights lost since the 1640s and 1650s, while Protestants, concentrated in Ulster, held out for William. In December 1688 apprentice boys in Derry, also called Londonderry, had shut the city gates against a Jacobite regiment. From April 1689 the city endured a siege of 105 days, during which thousands of people died of hunger and disease, until ships broke through a boom across the River Foyle on 28 July. In Dublin, the so-called 'Patriot Parliament' of 1689 moved to reverse the Cromwellian land settlement and asserted the Irish Parliament's independence. For Catholics, James's cause offered recovery; for Protestants, it threatened dispossession, so the war in Ireland was fought with high stakes for both communities.
- 77The Battle of the Boyne, 1690In June 1690 William III landed in Ireland himself, and on 1 July 1690 (11 July by the modern calendar) his army of about 36,000 met James's army of about 25,000 at the River Boyne near Drogheda. William's force was larger and better equipped, and it included English, Dutch, Danish and French Huguenot troops; James's included Irish soldiers and French regiments. William's troops forced crossings of the river, and although the Jacobite army withdrew in reasonable order, James fled to Dublin and soon back to France. The battle was not the end of the war, but it was a major psychological and political turning point. It also had a European dimension: William's alliance against Louis XIV included Catholic powers such as Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, so the battle was not simply Protestant against Catholic. Over time the Boyne became a powerful symbol: celebrated by Ulster Protestants as a deliverance, and remembered by many Irish Catholics as the beginning of a long period of exclusion.
- 78Aughrim, Limerick and the Wild GeeseAfter the Boyne the Jacobites still held the west of Ireland. In 1691 William's general Godert de Ginkel captured Athlone and then won a crushing victory at Aughrim on 12 July 1691, the deadliest battle ever fought in Ireland, where the French commander Saint-Ruth was killed. The remaining Jacobite army retreated to Limerick, which surrendered after a siege. The Treaty of Limerick, signed on 3 October 1691, had two parts. Its military articles allowed Jacobite soldiers to go to France, and some 12,000 or more did so with Patrick Sarsfield, becoming known as the 'Wild Geese'. Its civil articles promised Catholics the religious privileges they had enjoyed under Charles II and protection for those who submitted. However, the Irish Parliament, now entirely Protestant, ratified only a reduced version in 1697, and later laws contradicted its spirit. For many Irish Catholics the 'broken treaty' became a symbol of betrayal, while Protestants saw the settlement as essential to their security.
- 79The Penal Laws and the Protestant AscendancyAfter 1691 the Irish Parliament, from which Catholics were now excluded, passed a series of laws known as the Penal Laws. They restricted Catholics' right to bear arms and to educate their children abroad (1695), banished Catholic bishops and members of religious orders (1697), and, under the Popery Act of 1704, barred Catholics from buying land or taking long leases and required Catholic estates to be divided among all sons unless the eldest converted. Catholics also lost the vote in 1728. The 1704 Act's sacramental test also excluded Presbyterians from public office. Catholic landownership, already reduced, fell further, to roughly 14 percent by 1703 and lower later in the century. Enforcement varied, and historians debate whether the laws aimed mainly to destroy Catholicism or to keep land and power in Protestant hands; many emphasize the latter. A Protestant landowning elite, later called the 'Protestant Ascendancy', dominated Ireland. The laws were gradually repealed from 1778, with Catholic Emancipation in 1829.
- 80From Darien to the Union of 1707After 1688 Scotland shared a monarch with England but often felt its interests were ignored. In the late 1690s the Company of Scotland tried to found a trading colony at Darien on the Isthmus of Panama. Disease, poor planning, Spanish hostility and orders forbidding English colonies to help led to disaster: most of the roughly 2,500 settlers died, and Scotland lost a large share of its available capital. Tensions over the succession grew when the Scottish Parliament's Act of Security of 1704 threatened to choose a different successor from England's, and England replied with the Alien Act of 1705, threatening Scottish trade. Negotiations produced the Treaty of Union, and on 1 May 1707 England and Scotland became the Kingdom of Great Britain with a single Parliament, while Scotland kept its own church and legal system. Supporters stressed security, the Protestant succession and access to English markets; critics, then and later, alleged bribery and a loss of independence. Historians still weigh these motives.
- 81From 1689 to Cabinet GovernmentThe Revolution did not create modern parliamentary government in a single step, but it set conditions that made it develop. Because Parliament now met every year to vote taxes, monarchs needed ministers who could command majorities in the Commons. Under William and Anne, groups of leading ministers began meeting as a 'cabinet', and party leaders such as the Whig 'Junto' gained power by managing Parliament. After 1714 the Hanoverian kings, George I and George II, attended cabinet meetings less often, giving ministers more room to act. Sir Robert Walpole, First Lord of the Treasury from 1721 to 1742, is usually regarded as Britain's first Prime Minister, although the title was not official at the time. Jacobite risings in 1715 and 1745 failed, which confirmed the Revolution settlement. The step from the Bill of Rights to cabinet government shows how written law and unwritten convention combined to produce constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch reigns but ministers accountable to Parliament govern.
- 821689 in America: Boston, New York and MarylandThe Revolution of 1688 echoed across the Atlantic. James II had combined the New England colonies, later adding New York and New Jersey, into the Dominion of New England under Governor Sir Edmund Andros, abolishing elected assemblies and challenging land titles. When news of William's landing reached Boston, colonists rose on 18 April 1689, imprisoned Andros and restored their old government. In New York, Jacob Leisler seized control in the name of William and Mary, but conflict with rival colonial leaders followed, and when a royal governor arrived in 1691 Leisler was tried and executed for treason. In Maryland, a group calling themselves the Protestant Associators overthrew the Catholic proprietor's government, and Maryland became a royal colony. Colonists justified these actions by claiming the rights of Englishmen. The new Massachusetts charter of 1691 restored an assembly but imposed a royal governor. These events showed colonists that resistance to arbitrary government could be legitimate, a lesson some would remember in the 1760s and 1770s.
- 83From 1689 to 1776: The Settlement in American EyesAmerican revolutionaries drew heavily on the ideas and language of 1688–89. Many saw the Glorious Revolution as proof that subjects could resist a ruler who broke the law, and they read Locke and radical Whig writers such as Algernon Sidney. The Declaration of Independence followed the format of the 1689 Declaration of Rights: a list of grievances against the king followed by a statement of principles. Colonists objected, as the English had in 1689, to standing armies in peacetime, quartering of soldiers and taxation without consent. When Americans wrote their own constitutions, they borrowed specific wording: Virginia's Declaration of Rights of 1776 and the federal Bill of Rights of 1791 contain clauses on excessive bail, petitions and arms that echo 1689. Yet there was a crucial difference. In Britain the settlement made Parliament supreme, while Americans used written constitutions to limit legislatures as well as executives. Thus 1689 was both a model and a contrast for the American founders.
- 84The Legacy of the Stuart CenturyBetween 1603 and 1701 England and its neighbouring kingdoms moved from rule by monarchs claiming divine right, through civil war, regicide and republic, to a constitutional settlement in which Parliament held decisive power. The century's legacy is mixed. It established parliamentary control over taxation, armies and the succession, protected parliamentary debate, strengthened judicial independence and ended pre-publication censorship. It encouraged ideas of consent, toleration and resistance that influenced revolutions abroad. Yet its liberties were limited: they protected property-owning Protestant men far more than others, excluded Catholics from power for over a century, and coexisted with a growing empire built partly on slavery. In Scotland and Ireland the revolution was won by war, and memories of Glencoe, the Boyne and the Penal Laws shaped later conflicts. Historians continue to debate whether this century was a story of progress, a series of crises solved by compromise, or a conquest by one kingdom and one church. Evaluating these views is the final task of the course.
